1. What impact do you think the Green Party’s eco-socialist policies have had on the party’s growth and how can that be sustained?
Having strong eco-socialist policies is core to our values on meeting the basic needs of all across society, whether on health, housing or education, or in anti-discrimination initiatives, such as those against misogyny, racism or disability discrimination. The connection with ecological and environmental justice can be better explained. Living within our means requires a transition from carbon-intensive energy supply, currently the cause of intolerable fuel poverty and a cost of living crisis, towards energy efficiency and industrialised renewables – necessitating the creation of sustainable, meaningful jobs, as per the new Lucas plan. We are the genuine eco-socialist alternative to this government’s unrelenting economic growth model which is costing the planet and future generations so dearly. Yet we can promote our vision more effectively. As part of the leadership team, in 2015, we secured our best ever general election result of 1.1 million votes. With your confidence, I can play a leading role in bringing about the next Green surge.
2. The recent Tory by-election defeats suggest the electorate are making their own decisions on strategic voting. How can the Green Party intervene to turn that to its advantage?
Within a disproportionate FPTP electoral system, we are going to be seriously hamstrung by tactical voting for the next placed challenger as a least-worst scenario. In addition to campaigning for a fair, proportional electoral system (continuing our good work with Make Votes Matter) we must continue to use the campaigning and broadcasting platforms that by-elections provide us with to set out our unique vision, unapologetically. I was against the overall tactics of Progressive Alliance or Unite to Remain coalitions in 2017 and 2019, respectively, brokered by the Party for limited gain and sometimes without local party support. We have not sufficiently consolidated on the 2015 general election sufficiently as a result (when we nearly got a second MP in Bristol West). You should ask where candidates stood in those leadership sponsored deals. I believe these were mistakes which we should not repeat a third time.
3. What would be your priorities for campaigns outside election periods that would raise our profile in communities, engage our members and attract new ones? How could that be financed?
I would want us to be promoting far more proactively, and campaigning for, local community solutions to the cost of living crisis, using the transition town movement as our inspiration. We simply cannot effect the social transformation required to overcome the climate and ecological emergency without developing local community resilience, whether on food or energy supply or essential goods and services.
We must also demonstrate our commitment to women voters, whose concerns about basic sex-based rights are being increasingly side-lined, or worse, silenced, on the left of politics. We are at risk of becoming an increasingly authoritarian party, which must stop. When we see women being disrupted from exercising their basic rights to congregate to discuss their concerns we should speak out. I have a track record of doing just that and under my Deputy leadership we can rebuild our credibility on this front and show that politically homeless women have a place once more, many of whom have felt unable to continue in our midst. It is truly shocking that the likes of Bea Campbell, Rebecca Johnson and Andrea Carey Fuller have found it necessary to resign.
As one among equals on GPEx, I would be seeking equitable distribution of finite resources. In particular, it is time to move on from the Stonewall diversity scheme, which has cost us £15k over six years. Monies such as this should be put into campaigns funding on climate or disability rights.
4. How can the Party improve the way it communicates its policies to the BAME and white working class?
We should frankly prioritise, as an important consideration, election of a visibly ethnically diverse Deputy to ensure that our leadership team does resemble something like the complexion of the society we purport to serve. I was the first BME deputy of a UK parliamentary party in 2014 and helped launch Greens of Colour during my term of office. There’s something in the role model idea which can powerfully persuade those ethnic communities that have not previously countenanced voting for us to do so. I spoke prominently on BBC Asian network programmes (https://youtu.be/40Uyj_iHkC0) during the 2015 election and would look to help us raise our game with this constituency again.
The white working class is another vital constituency. I believe that my comprehensive schooling gives me an edge over many in our party (who seem to be mostly shy about admitting whether they had a private education or not) as it has been highly formative to how I relate to all across society, equally. I will slip into a cockney accent with ease, depending on who I am talking to and have been able to persuade many a voter on the doorstep who does not fit our target middle class, professional demographic. We must move beyond our electoral comfort zone.
5. Should the Green Party review its policy on NATO in the light of the current conflict in Ukraine and what would be your approach?
Any form of unilateral withdrawal from a coalition premised on the pretext of mutual defence is bound to be difficult to justify when acts of naked aggression abroad may call for a determined armed response. Our long-term policy of NATO absolutely can be defended, against the backdrop of bolstering the role of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and so does not need review as such. We can be more resolute about the need to join forces on military intervention, by whatever means, where necessary (e.g. UN, OSCE). We are not absolute pacifists and can justify war in self-defence or potentially to defend others or as a humanitarian intervention. I would have been emphasising that withdrawal from NATO as a policy objective was not premised on absolute pacifism but a failure of institutional accountability (and ethos) in NATO. You can hear me discuss credible responses to the Ukraine calamity as it was unfolding on LBC here https://www.lbc.co.uk/radio/special-shows/cross-question/cross-question-with-iain-dale-15-03-watch/.
6. The 24 hours news cycle means that contributions from our spokespeople have to be rapid if they are to be given media space. How can we manage that whilst maintaining democratic accountability?
You need to be able to rely on a spokesperson who is field-tested and battle-ready for a general election campaign. I have been put up in challenging situations to get us out of a media storm. In 2015, I was asked to go up against Steve Nolan in a Radio 5 Live interview to explain our position on anti-terrorism and freedom of association after Natalie Bennett got into a pickle. I successfully defended party policy while enhancing the reputation of the Party and protecting our leader’s interest too. I was commended for my head-to-head and the story was practically killed within 24 hours. These are the kind of situations where you need a spokesperson to remain calm under pressure. I am consistently able to defend or champion party policy under challenging media situations and would not, and have not, indulged in personal viewpoint (even if it did differ) when taking on the serious business of representing us. As author of two books in Green politics and a regional policy coordinator for five years, I am highly conversant with our policies. I have always taken guidance or briefings from press office or relevant officers or negotiated lines where necessary. Whilst we may need to be responsive, this should not be at the expense of due diligence. I once insisted press office hold off on issuing a press statement in my name on a terrorist incident until it had been fact-checked. That delay avoided us being caught up in amplifying fake news.
7. Given that some Government policies such as privatisation and reducing rights are a thread crossing different sectors how can spokespeople cooperate on our overall messaging to ensure this is addressed?
As a former spokesperson, I can see how collaboration with colleagues can be used to reinforce statements and voices, which cross more than one area, to good effect. We need to enhance internal communication and methods to facilitate this, without unduly cramping responsiveness. There are many stories where we can proactively build up statements in anticipation of the story breaking.
8. How would you raise the international relevance and profile of the GPEW?
International networking on campaigns is key to our success and relevance to addressing the global climate emergency. We can achieve this through the Global Greens and the European Green Party, but also cross-party. Last year, I served as a delegate on a Green Task Force on the Future of Europe to oversee and advance GPEW interests in Europe following our withdrawal from Brexit.
I’d like to see us draw more upon the inspirational movements coming out of ALBA countries. I have met and discussed with ambassadors from that part of the world. The recent legislative initiatives coming out of Cuba on rights for rivers and the natural environment are also fundamental approaches to climate mitigation.
9. The Green Party has recently encountered difficulties in maintaining a respectful and comradely debate on issues where there has been sharp disagreement. What would be your approach to improving the atmosphere in which these debates take place?
I’ve been the only candidate on hustings so far, which is of some surprise to me, who has consistently advocated for implementing one of the key recommendations of the Diverse Matters report recently commissioned by the Party. This report recognised sex and gender as a matter of great contention in the party and advocated for the creation of forums for discussion. I think this is a key plank for resolving such conflict, which is often based on misunderstanding or mistrust. Moreover, we must model a return to mature debate, with the understanding that authoritarian bullying will not be tolerated. Fortunately, a thoroughly disreputable motion to Spring 2022 conference, which would have expelled members for signing a declaration on Women’s rights, was defeated even before being formally put. A very different motion is currently proposed, advocating adoption of a toolkit to heal divisions in the party; an excellent, important initiative. Some policy debates may still need to be had and should not be avoided, just as the party should be able to advocate for the human rights of all, equally, based on biological reality, say, due diligence in gender dysphoria healthcare for children and moral conscience. Many members are frustrated, even angry, at the energy that is being consumed by internal strife when we need to be externally focused on the existential emergency, as one.
10. How can we ensure a level playing field in internal elections when some candidates have the advantage of access to a national platform and networks?
Some advantage may accrue as a result of the strengths and experience that a candidate may have already built up over years and that is not an unfair advantage as such. The level playing field is determined by the election regulations for campaigning, which the ERO is maintaining a watchful eye over, and candidates should all be observant and respectful in the way they may choose to challenge one another. Unfortunately, I have already witnessed extreme negative campaigning but my hope is that members will see through such desperate tactics, as I know many have told me they already have done (e.g. https://twitter.com/CitizenErased22/status/1551286880867680257?t=r6P3Yx0qQbDy0dtTLCiSjg&s=19). The one word answer to this question is simple: integrity.
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